Controlling the Strait of Hormuz is the top priority in Iran and Trump may abandon it

Controlling the Strait of Hormuz is the top priority in Iran and Trump may abandon it

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Written by Nan Hubbard

April 1, 2026

The Strait of Hormuz has become the defining strategic problem of the US military campaign against Iran, and analysts say there are no clean exits. The narrow waterway — through which roughly 20% of the world’s oil, liquefied natural gas, and petrochemicals normally pass — has been effectively seized by Iran, which has been charging vessels millions of dollars per passage while the US and Israel continue their campaign against Iranian targets.

The three paths available to the administration each carry serious costs. Taking military control of the strait through a ground operation is the most decisive option but also the most expensive in terms of resources and political risk. Walking away without securing it could reshape the regional security order in ways that prove difficult to reverse. And maintaining the current situation — a partial blockade, an active air campaign, and a $2 million toll per ship for the vessels Iran allows through — is an economic pressure cooker that energy analysts warn the global economy cannot sustain for much longer.

Jim Wicklund, a veteran oil analyst and managing director at PPHB, put it bluntly: if the current situation drags on for another two months, the world economy slides into recession. The combination of credit stress and inflation that would result from prolonged Hormuz disruption is not, in his view, something markets can absorb. Even a partial reopening would leave oil prices substantially higher than they were before the conflict began, particularly if Iran retains any tolling authority over traffic.

Bob McNally, founder of Rapidan Energy Group and a former White House energy adviser, framed the stakes of an American withdrawal even more starkly. Leaving without having secured the strait, he said, would represent a foreign policy setback without modern precedent — one that would effectively cancel the decades-old US strategic commitment to protecting freedom of navigation through the Gulf. That commitment, rooted in the Carter Doctrine and extended under Reagan, has underpinned the regional security architecture since the early 1980s. Abandoning it would create a vacuum that Gulf states, Israel, and potentially China or Russia would all have to respond to.

Only about 5% of normal Hormuz traffic is currently getting through. Claudio Galimberti, chief economist at Rystad Energy, sees some form of ceasefire as the most probable near-term outcome, but warns it would be fragile and easily broken. If a deal allows only half of normal traffic to resume, oil prices would remain above $100 a barrel. Even near-full reopening under a tolling arrangement would leave prices significantly elevated relative to pre-conflict levels, with a permanent risk premium baked in.

Pakistan and China have both stepped into mediating roles, with a joint five-point peace proposal calling for the restoration of normal shipping access as soon as possible. Whether that provides enough diplomatic cover for a workable deal remains unclear.

McNally and Wicklund both think the administration is more likely to intensify military operations than to withdraw, reading the public frustration as posturing rather than a genuine signal of disengagement. The more probable path, in their assessment, is a combined air, sea, and land effort to degrade Iran’s capacity to threaten strait traffic — though what that looks like in practice, and how long it takes, remains an open question with significant economic consequences attached to every week it continues.